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On April 11, , the Presidium of the Popular Assembly ordered all prop- erties in possession of religious institutions to be handed over to the coop- eratives or committees of the Communist Party.
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For 23 years, from to , no religion was permit- ted to be practised in the country, with the exception of national-Communism. The Muslim Community of Albania ceased to exist. However, many imams continued preaching in their homes and in closed circles. Re-emergence of the Muslim Community of Albania The fourth phase in the history of the Muslim Community of Albania extends from to The events that happened in Eastern Europe during this pe- riod, such as the execution of Nicolae Ceausescu in , the reforms of Pere- stroika and Glasnost followed by the crisis and dissolution of the Soviet Union, had their impact in Albania.
These relaxing measures towards religion culminat- ed in December of , when the ban on religious observance was officially lifted. A month earlier, on November 4, thousands of people attended a Catho- lic mass in the city of Shkodra under the pastorship of Dom Simon Jubani. A few days later, on November 16, a gathering of 60, Muslim believers was organized in the Leaden Mosque of Shkodra, the first Friday prayer in Albania since Pedro Ramet , Lon- don: Duke University, , p.
Its first congress was held in Tirana on February 14, , where the new statute of the community was formulated and approved. However, the new mca had no property, no money, no literature and most of the Muslims of Albania were no longer Muslims in the religious sense.
Forty-five years of atheist indoctrination had produced a new generation of Albanians who did not feel or consider themselves as Muslims, even though their forefathers were such. Islam was preserved somewhat better though in a diluted and superstitious way by the peasantry who were far from the urban centres where the Communist indoctrination had been stronger.
Moreover, most of the old imams from pre-Communist Alba- nia had passed away. In this situation, the mca, the same way as other religious communities of the country, had to rebuild the infrastructure of faith and the spiritual leadership from zero. Islam in Albania needed mosques, schools and most importantly, believers. To aid the mca in the task of reconstruction, a number of Arab Islamic ngos came from the Arab Gulf countries and the West. Imams and teachers were educated and paid with symbolic sums of money to propagate Islam in all the corners of Albania.
Muslim ngos built hospitals, health centres and water supply. They provided support to orphans and individuals without any other means of support. In , Albania became a member of the Organization of the Islamic Conference and a number of Arab businesses came to the country.
Even though the investment in Islam was not comparable with that which Christian missionary organizations brought to the country, yet, from to , the Muslim Community of Albania witnessed a period of prosperity and growth, which it had not seen since the Ottoman times.
The officials of the mca sent their children, relatives and common believers to study in countries like Malaysia, Libya, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Egypt, Jordan, Yemen and Tunisia. Many impoverished Albanians who were hungry for prosperity and wealth but could not reach the rich West, escaped to the Muslim World with the hope of making a career for themselves.
This is how many of them ended in Islamic universities, learning a religion which their fathers had forgotten. In Albania itself, the structures of the Muslim Community and new mosques kept on expanding even though their number never reached that of pre-war Albania.
The revival of Islam in the country enjoyed the initial backing of the Alba- nian government and in a way, of the Americans who guided Albanian politics throughout the transition period. The new democratic establishment prided itself in its population being Muslim, and Albania was described as a bridge between the East and the West. However, the proliferation of financial pyramid schemes in the country dur- ing — and the subsequent civil strife of — had negative conse- quences for the future of the mca and Islam in the country.
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When in , the ex-Communists — now Socialist Party of Albania — seized power, they and their media directed their attack against the infrastructure of Islam and the Dem- ocratic Party of Albania which was depicted as being Islamic. The Socialists, who were mainly southerners and were dominated by ex-Communists and Orthodox Christians, accused Sali Berisha in the West of Islamizing the coun- try.
After coming to power, Fatos Nano, the chairman of the Socialist Party of Albania, declared that his government would reverse the effects of the last years of history — obviously referring to the Ottoman period and Islam. A year 50 Ali M. The Arabs working for the abovementioned ngos or others running businesses, were targeted, searched and many were expelled from the country. Along with the Arabs, young Albanian graduates returning from Arab universities were also targeted.
Albanian graduates from Arab universities were removed from the struc- tures of the Muslim Community and even those receiving secular degrees very often had their degrees dismissed by the Ministry of Education.
On the other hand, many Arabs who had been in Albania since were expelled from the country, some accused of being terrorist suspects, others without any explana- tion.
In the following years, many Arab businesses and ngos, which were the backbone of the finances of the Muslim Community and its affiliated preach- ing activities, suffered discrimination, harassment and closure.
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The pressure on the Arabs had direct impact upon the fragile structures of the Muslim Com- munity. While other religious communities were lucky enough to have their brethren and support in the West and have their sponsors coming from Greece, Italy, Europe and the United States of America, the mca was not. The Post Phase The last phase in the history of the Muslim Community of Albania extends from to the present. The events of September 11, in the United States had a tremendous impact on the fate of Islam in Albania.
December As a result of the vacuum created by Communist policies, until the year , when the first graduates from Arab universities came back to Albania, the mca was at a loss when it came to explaining Islam.
The officials who lead the mca from to , in most cases did not have even basic religious training, or, when they did, it was insufficient. On the other hand, since the activities of the mca from its creation in to the present are indirectly and directly controlled by the regime, Albanian Islam is often a victim of shifting state policies on Islam.
When the Albanian government tolerated the Arabs coming to Albania in the early s, the ideology of the mca was strongly influenced by them. And nowadays, after the latest political developments in Turkey, the Fetullah Gulen group is the organization which has taken hold of the mca, while the government is discouraging Turkish government organization from meddling in the running of Albanian Islam.
Since the mca has not had most of the property it owned before the com- ing of Communism returned, and the Arabs who were in the country in the s did not provide it with long-term money-generating investments, the mca is a very poor organization. It has no money to pay its imams and main- tain the infrastructure of knowledge transmission in the country. After the fall of Communism, the Muftiate did not have much of its property returned, but even that which was returned, was often mismanaged and stolen by corrupt individuals with- in the mca and the business community.
As a result, the functioning of the mca is dependent on outside help. Most of the ngos that were operating in the country were closed. He was killed in his office on January 13, Even though the killer of Tivari was never found, the Albanian State Informative Service shish , in cooperation with American agents in Tirana, started a period of harassment against practising Muslims and the staff of the mca.
Or what are the differences between these combat charity groups in Syria helping Yazidi and Assyrian militias nowadays, and the international Islamist groups provided their assistance back in the Bosnian Civil War, Chechen independence movement or ongoing Rohingya insurgency in Western Myanmar? The second part, in this sense, will defend a stance of evaluating the combat charities as an old phenomenon which was always a part of the hybrid warfare but grew in the 21st century with the social media that shrank the physical and virtual distances among people and conflicts around the world.
The third part will question the legitimacy of combat charities. According to which group they support, the combat charities may directly or indirectly go against state's interests. That's why some states can perceive these combat charities as not as humanitarian actors nor as freedom fighters, but as illegitimate terrorist organizations. In this discussion, especially the stance of the Turkish government against the ones who help YPG will be examined.
It will be seen how easy the combat charities can become questionable actors and pass the other side of the line in the matter of legitimacy even in the fight against ISIS. In this part, two questions will be asked and tried to be answered.
First, are combat charities really serving to a long-term solution or are they actually creating much more complex power imbalances?
Second, can we talk about a peaceful future with combat charities, which are favoring and contributing to the rise of armed mobilization?
In the light of this discussion, the fourth and the last part will investigate the legal basis of the notion. It can be seen that the domestic and international laws do not have a definite stance for the combat charities. State Department Spokesperson Jennifer Psaki stated in October that she was unaware of a single specific law against combat charities. So, it can be claimed that there is an empty legal place to fill and with the growing globalization of the warfare the other states will also take an action.
The concept of combat charities and examples of SOLI and HDA In recent years, thousands of foreign fighters have travelled to the Middle East to join the war which has started against the Assad government as a part of a wider wave of Arab Spring and escalated to an armed conflict including zones both in Syria and Iraq. These foreign fighters have chosen to participate in the conflict on the side of the jihadi organizations like the ISIS and Nusra Front or the groups that resist the jihadists, such as Kurdish, Assyrian, and Yazidi militias.
Combat charities are one of the mechanisms to become a part of the latter. Their activities are fully funded by voluntary donations.
They are officially registered with governments and have administrative and organizational centers in their home countries. Their members are meticulously selected in these centers from a great range of applicants, particularly from veteran soldiers. In the field, they serve as small groups of trainers and offer assistance to local militias in the areas of military, diplomacy, politics and public relations.
Table 1. Their name is coming from an 18th century society of individuals who sought to rebel against the British during the American Revolutionary War. The group has a small administrative support staff in the U. SOLI has specific selection criteria to determine which client group to assist. In this sense, last of their clients were Assyrian militias located in Nineveh plains of northern Iraq seeking to defend their villages from ISIS.
What SOLI had done in the field was bolstering the capacity of Assyrian self-defense combatants by giving military training and providing military equipment to resist ISIS and engage effectively in urban warfare.
The aim was helping the Assyrian groups to preserve the 4 remnants of their settlements, participate in coalition operations against ISIS, reclaim their homes, and assist in the offensive against ISIS in Mosul. SOLI also sought to generate media attention for Assyrians and advised them on which media interviews to accept. They have accompanied Assyrian delegations to meetings with U.
State Department officials and helped them draft letters to foreign dignitaries. They provided advice on how the Assyrians should interact with Kurdish groups or peshmerga units in the region. So, it is obvious that SOLI cannot be reduced to the extent of military companies, but should be seen more as a fully-expertise manager.
Humanitarian Defense Abroad HDA , on the other hand, is holding the primacy of being the first combat charity legally acknowledged by a sovereign country, USA.
They are founded in by a veteran soldier called Lu Lobello, who previously served as a Marine in Iraq. The organization got a U.
They declared their intentions to "organize and fund international volunteers who seek to intervene in human rights crises where genocide, arbitrary mass killings, and egregious human rights violations take place. In comparison with SOLI, it is less oriented toward direct combat training of local groups. Rather it focuses on facilitating particular skill sets and boosting the capabilities of local groups in intelligence gathering, communication capabilities and specialized technologies.
Their volunteers are mostly the former members of U. Bearing in mind that the Kurdish forces do not lack manpower or light personal weaponry, they often lack military and civilian technical knowledge.
HDA invested a lot of energy into supplying high tech equipment to its clients. They provided rifle optics, satellite phones, walkie-talkies, and decoders. They even deployed commercial drones to Kurdish local forces and taught them how to operate the drones for aerial surveillance, target identification, and patrol security. They promised in to bring multiple software-defined radios SDRs and a motorized device that can drop small explosives from the drones.
They showed their clients the ways to improve their operational security, to use crowd funding websites to bolster their funds and to combine field intelligence with the analysis of online social media platforms.
They taught its beneficiaries how to become visible in media and how to interact with American politicians to engage with U. After the participation of combat charities, the hierarchies and balances of power have changed within the local forces on behalf of the ones who acquire combat charities. Historical Context of Combat Charities: Are they really a new phenomenon? There are two great efforts that can be mentioned in the literature to conceptualize the framework of warfare after the end of Cold War.
The first of them is the depiction of William S. Lind, who brought the term; 'fourth generation warfare'. According to Lind, a radical change has happened in the warfare and the state has lost its monopoly for the first time after the Peace of Westphalia.
This led to the blurring of the lines between war and politics, combatants and civilians. The warfare returned to a decentralized form as in the pre-modern times to the conflict of cultures, not merely states. According to Lind, what has been the case today is the Christian West found itself facing with its oldest and most steadfast opponent, Islam.
The second understanding, on the other hand, defines today's structure with the term of "hybrid warfare". Hoffman underlined that it would incorporate "a full range of different modes of warfare including conventional capabilities, irregular tactics and formations, terrorist acts including indiscriminate violence and coercion, and criminal disorder. The main problem in both of these understandings is their past exclusionist and deficient way of presenting.
What they allege is something new, but what they offer in their definitions is actually old. It is obvious that the non-state actors didn't come into being after the Cold War.
They were always there and showed up many times in the history. State militaries fought with these actors numerous times in different places. They played roles in the nation-state formations, in civil wars and post-colonialist structures.
The Bolshevik Revolution in , which led to the establishment of Soviet Union, was even an uprising conducted by a non-state actor. In some occasions, these actors were used by other major powers to change the local orders as in the cases of today's Middle East and Ukraine. Most of these non-state actors in the history, incorporated different modes of warfare, irregular tactics and formations, terrorist acts, and criminal violence pursuant to their nature and capabilities.
The literature, in this sense, is an ocean and it could be an interesting research topic for the ones who want to trace back the history. However, this is not a war history article and these examples are just given to show the reader that there is an empty place in the literature for defining what is actually new in the existing warfare. What is being claimed is that the multimodality and hybrid warfare are ascending in today's conflicts, but this doesn't make them new.
They have already existed. What makes today's warfare different is the social media and internet, which made possible for all humanity to watch, to learn and to be a part of the warfare. All the other new features are actually the products of this difference. He shows the combat charities as the new phenomenon of the 21st century, although his expressions have nothing new.
He defines the combat charities as the "entities that seek to provide military and political assistance to weaker armed groups or minorities resisting the military onslaught of others, such as of the Islamic State ISIS in the Middle East and North Africa.
Accessed in Nov 26, Thousands of foreign fighters, on the other hand, went to Syria and Iraq for helping and becoming a part of these local militias.
The publishing group Koha owns the daily Koha Jone and the Tirana - Wikipedia ; The discovery of the Pellumbas Cave within the surrounding area of Tirana shows that ancient human culture were present in Albania that dates back the Paleolithic period. Nonetheless the oldest discovery within the urban area of Tirana was a Roman house, which has been later transformed into an aisleless church with a mosaic floor, dating to the 3rd century, with other remains found near a Le industrie principali sono quelle dei settori di costruzione edile, alimentare, elettro-meccanico, tessile, farmaceutico, e metallurgico.
Free gazeta koha jone downloads ; Koha is a library and collection management system.
It is designed to manage physical collections of items books, CDs, videos, reference, etc. In the four largest newspapers were the Albanian language morning dailies Zeri I Popullit, 35, circulation; Koha Jone, 30, circulation; Rilindja Demokratike, 10, circulation; and the Albanian and Italian language morning gazeta ballkan Gazeta Shqiptare, 11, circulation.Stein, Aaron and Foley Michelle.
This paper examines the combat charities in four parts. Quodlibet, We do not recognize the Muslim Community, because they have been self-elected, because they have made Islam their monopoly In , a year after the establishment of an Albanian state, a number of secular nationalist Bektashis organized the First Bektashi Congress in the Prishta tekke in Skrapar, during which independence of the Bektashi order from the Sunni community was de- clared.
A conclusion must found without intervention, without fueling the terrorist violence, 1 Burak Kadercan.
Federal Law No. This process which started in Greece,1 Serbia, Bulgaria2 and other countries of South-Eastern Europe, had its precur- sors even in Albania.